The Second World War (book series)

For the book by Antony Beevor, see The Second World War (book).

"Triumph and Tragedy" redirects here. For the 1999 punk EP by Grade, see Triumph & Tragedy.

The Second World War

First edition in 6 volumes
Author	Winston Churchill and assistants
Country	United Kingdom
Language	English
Subject	Second World War
Publisher	Houghton Mifflin
Publication date	1948–1953

The Second World War is a history of the period from the end of the First World War to July 1945, written by Winston Churchill. Churchill labelled the "moral of the work" as follows: "In War: Resolution, In Defeat: Defiance, In Victory: Magnanimity, In Peace: Goodwill".

Churchill wrote the book, with a team of assistants, using both his own notes and privileged access to official documents while still working as a politician; the text was vetted by the Cabinet Secretary. Churchill was largely fair in his treatment, but wrote the history from his personal point of view. He was unable to reveal all the facts, as some, such as the use of Ultra electronic intelligence, had to remain secret. From a historical point of view the book is therefore an incomplete memoir by a leading participant in the direction of the war.

The book was a major commercial success in Britain and the United States. The first edition appeared in six volumes; later editions appeared in twelve and four volumes, and furthermore there is also a single-volume abridged version.

Writing

Churchill during the Second World War

When Churchill became Prime Minister in 1940, he intended to write a history of the war then beginning. He said several times: "I will leave judgements on this matter to history—but I will be one of the historians." To circumvent the rules against the use of official documents, he took the precaution throughout the war of having a weekly summary of correspondence, minutes, memoranda and other documents printed in galleys and headed "Prime Minister's personal minutes". These were then stored at his home and Churchill wrote or dictated letters and memoranda with the intention of placing his views on the record, for later use as a historian. The arrangements became a source of controversy when The Second World War began appearing in 1948. Churchill was a politician, not an academic historian and was Leader of the Opposition, intending to return to office, so Churchill's access to Cabinet, military and diplomatic records denied to other historians was questioned.

It was not known at the time that Churchill had done a deal with Clement Attlee and the Labour government which came to office in 1945. Attlee agreed to allow Churchill's research assistants access to all documents, provided that no official secrets were revealed, the documents were not used for party political purposes and the typescript was vetted by the Cabinet Secretary, Sir Norman Brook. Brook took a close interest in the books and rewrote some sections to ensure that British interests were not harmed or the government embarrassed. Churchill's privileged access to documents and his knowledge gave him an advantage over other historians of the Second World War for many years. The books had enormous sales in both Britain and the United States and made Churchill a rich man for the first time. The gathered documents were placed in chronologies by his advisers, and this store of material was further supplemented by dictated recollections of key episodes, together with queries about chronology, location and personalities for his team to resolve. Churchill also wrote to many fellow actors requesting documents and comments. Once all was collected and collated, Churchill began writing in earnest, dictating almost all of the work, with the notable exception of several long passages in Volume I.

Themes

As various archives have been opened, several deficiencies of the work have become apparent. Some of these are inherent in the position Churchill occupied as a former prime minister and a serving politician. He could not reveal ongoing military secrets, such as the work of the code breakers at Bletchley Park, or the planning of the atomic bomb. As stated in the author's introduction, the book concentrates on the British war effort. Other theatres of war are described largely as a background. He modified a number of passages when he learnt that General Dwight Eisenhower was to run for the US presidency, removing any remarks which might harm the "special relationship" which he intended to establish (or re-establish) with the new president.

The British historian David Reynolds noted that Churchill in volume one, The Gathering Storm, skipped over the 1920s as his actions in the 1920s did not support his self-image as a far-sighted leader who was aware of the threat from the Axis states. Churchill criticised the "follies" of the victors of 1918 in drafting the Treaty of Versailles, which he viewed as too harsh towards Germany, but then contradictorily defended the disarmament clauses of the Treaty of Versailles under the grounds that if the Reich had remained disarmed, the Second World War would never had happened. Churchill defended the foreign policy of the second Baldwin government-in which he served as Chancellor of the Exchequer in-which sought to revise the Treaty of Versailles in favor of Germany as promoting peace. The decisive moment for Churchill was the 1929 British general election, which was won by the Labour Party under Ramsay MacDonald, which he portrayed as the moment that British foreign policy went off the rails. Reynolds noted that Churchill did not mention that during his time as Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1924 to 1929 he had fought for greater social spending to combat the appeal of the British Communist Party to the British working class by cutting defense spending. In the decade or so after the Russian Revolution, Churchill saw Soviet Russia as the principle enemy, but he viewed the Soviet challenge to Britain as ideological, not military. In December 1924 Churchill dismissed any prospect of a war with Japan as he told the prime minister Stanley Baldwin at a cabinet meeting: "A war with Japan! I do not believe there is the slightest chance of that in our lifetime". Accordingly, Churchill argued that the budget for the Royal Navy should be cut as Japan was the only naval power capable of challenging British power in Asia and the reduced expenditure should be used for social programs. Churchill portrayed himself in The Gathering Storm, as being in the political "wilderness" in the 1930s because of his opposition to the appeasement of Nazi Germany, but in fact the real reason for Churchill being in the "wilderness" was his opposition to the Government of India Act which devolved much power to the Indians as a preparatory step towards ending the Raj. Alongside his absolute opposition towards any measure that would weaken the Raj, Churchill had led a backbenchers rebellion in 1930-1931 with the aim of toppling Baldwin (who supported the Government of India Act) as the leader of the Conservative Party, which to his exclusion from the cabinet when the National Government was formed in 1931. Reynolds noted that the impression given in The Gathering Storm was Churchill was sent out to the "political wilderness" for his prescient warnings about Nazi Germany when in fact the reason for his being on the political margins was that he had been very disloyal towards Baldwin who understandably did not want a man who had tried to depose him as Tory leader in the cabinet. Churchill portrayed Anthony Eden-who served twice as his Foreign Secretary in 1940-1945 and again in 1951-1955-as an especially noble anti-appeaser when in fact he regarded Eden in the 1930s as both a political lightweight prone to excessive ambition and bad judgement and until 1938 as an appeaser.

Churchill had a strong belief in the power of strategical bombing to win wars and in a speech in the House of Commons on 28 November 1934 predicted that a Luftwaffe strategical bombing against London would kill between 30,000-40, 000 Londoners in the first week and in July 1936 claimed that a single Luftwaffe bombing raid on London would kill at least 5, 000 people. In reality, German strategical bombing of British cities killed or wounded about 147, 000 people between 1939-1945 and the major problem was less people being killed by bombing, but rather the homelessness caused by the destruction of houses and apartments. Churchill admitted in The Gathering Storm that he made exaggerated claims about the killing capacity of Luftwaffe strategical bombing against British cities as a means tp spur the government to spend more on the Royal Air Force (RAF). In a note he sent to research assistant Bill Deakin on 30 June 1947, Churchill asked: "Surely there was some fighting in 1931 between Japan and China?" Churchill gave only very brief mentions of the crisis in Asia caused by Japan's invasion of China in 1937 along increasing strident Japanese claims that all of Asia should be in the Japanese sphere of influence, which gave a distorted picture of British politics as the government of Neville Chamberlain was highly concerned about the prospect of Japan taking advantage of a war in Europe to seize Britain's colonies in Asia. Despite support for strategical bombing, Churchill judging by his "Memorandum on Sea-power" written on 25 March 1939 did not see air attacks on naval ships as a major danger and he likewise wrote that any threat of submarines had been "mastered". The major theme in Churchill's memo which was based on his experience as the former First Lord of the Admiralty was that naval warfare would be decided in the traditional fashion in gunnery duels between battleships. In the same memo, Churchill assumed that Italy would enter any war on the side of Germany and argued the Royal Navy to focus on the Mediterranean Sea at the expense of Asia. In the "Memorandum on Sea-power", Churchill assumed that Japan would also enter the war on the Axis side, but dismissed the need to activate Singapore strategy under the grounds that the Japanese could never take Singapore. Churchill printed the "Memorandum on Sea-Power" in The Gathering Storm, but cut out the parts where he wrote that Singapore would be "easy" to hold against the Japanese; that there was no threat from U-boats to British shipping; and that aircraft from the Axis nations were not capable of sinking British warships.

Churchill felt very strongly that it would had been better for Britain to go to war in 1938 during the Sudetenland crisis for Czechoslovakia rather than in 1939 during the Danzig crisis for Poland, which was reflected in his account of the two crises. During the Danzig crisis, Churchill believed that a "Grand Alliance" of Britain, France and the Soviet Union would had deterred Hitler from invading Poland, and in The Gathering Storm strongly criticised Neville Chamberlain for believing that Poland was the stronger ally than the Soviet Union. Churchill felt that Chamberlain should tried harder to reach an alliance with the Soviet Union in 1939, which he believed would had prevented World War Two. The principle problem during the talks for the "peace front" in 1939 was that the Soviets kept insisting on transit rights for the Red Army into Poland, which the Poles absolutely refused to cede. Reynolds noted that during the Danzig crisis that British leaders first confronted in embryonic form a recurring problem during Churchill wartime premiership, namely it was not really possible to be both an ally of Poland and the Soviet Union at the same time, and that a choice had to be made. Reynolds noted that "many historians" tended to agree with Churchill's comparison of the Sudetenland crisis with the Danzig crisis, and feel that Churchill was correct in arguing that it would had been far better to go to war for Czechoslovakia in 1938 rather than for Poland in 1939.

Reflecting the "Great Man" view of history, reviewers noted that Churchill gave readers the picture of "an almost stationary world upset by the wild ambitions of a few wicked men", which also reflected the politics of the Cold War. In the Cold War, Churchill saw the principle enemy as the Soviet Union and envisioned West Germany, Italy and Japan as British allies, which led him to portray the origins of World War Two in very personalised terms as due to the "wickedness" of leaders such as Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. Churchill wrote in an almost admiring tone that Mussolini was one of the exceptional leaders able to blend history to his will, and portrayed Il Duce as a man who perverted Italian politics by preventing the "normal" course of Italian history from occurring. Likewise, Churchill portrayed Hitler very much as a "Great Man" able to blend history to his will owning to his determination and intelligence, which suggests that Nazism was only Hitlerism, and that if Hitler had never lived, there would have been no Nazi Germany as German history would continue on as "normal". Churchill tended to downplay continuities in German history as the imperialistic war aims held by the leaders of the Reich towards both Western Europe and Eastern Europe during the First World War and the absolute refusal to accept the borders with Poland imposed by the Treaty of Versailles during the Weimar Republic. In the Cold War, Churchill supported West German rearmament and as such he portrayed the Wehrmacht in a relatively favorable light, which reflected his viewpoint of West Germany as an ally against the Soviet Union. Churchill tended to portray the Wehrmacht generals more as victims of Hitler rather than his followers, and presented as fact the self-serving claims made by Wehrmacht generals after 1945 that during the Sudetenland crisis of 1938 that they would had staged a military coup to overthrow Hitler, which was prevented by the Munich Agreement. Churchill was informed by his research assistants that these claims being made by the Wehrmacht generals were dubious at best, and were clearly meant to be a rationalisation for serving the Nazi regime with the implication that it was the British and French governments by signing the Munich Agreement who were responsible for them serving Hitler rather than themselves. Churchill wanted to present in The Gathering Storm the thesis that if only he had been prime minister in 1938, the Second World War would have been avoided altogether, which led him to accept at face value the claims of the Wehrmacht generals that they were set upon deposing Hitler in 1938 along with their claims to be "prisoners" of Hitler after the Munich Agreement.

Reynolds likewise noted Churchill sometimes engaged in national stereotypes. In his account of his summit with the French Premier Paul Reynaud on 16 May 1940, Churchill portrayed Reynaud along with Maurice Gamelin and Édouard Daladier as hopelessly defeatist figures which in turn reflected the faiblesse of France, which he used in contrast to the fighting spirit and courage of the British. Reynolds noted that the actual transcript of the Anglo-French summit showed that Gamelin was indeed depressed as Churchill portrayed him, but that Reynaud and Daladier-though worried by the German victory in the Second Battle of Sedan-were no-where near as defeatist as Churchill portrayed them. The British historian Max Hastings noted that the picture that Churchill painted in Their Finest Hour of a British people solidly united under his leadership for a victory over Nazi Germany was not true, and in May-June 1940 much of the British aristocracy along with a number of MPs favored making peace with Germany under the grounds that the Reich was invincible and the best course of action was to make peace with Hitler where there was still time. Hastings wrote the principle differences between the British and French experiences of the war in 1940 was that in France leaders such as Marshal Philippe Pétain, Pierre Laval, and Marshal Maxime Weygand signed an armistice with Germany, a course of action very favored by a number of 'Establishment' figures such as the former prime minister David Lloyd George, Lord Westminister, and Lord Tavistock, all of whom had openly advocated peace with the Reich as the best way to save the British empire when there was still time. Hastings wrote that Churchill downplayed his own importance in seeking to continue the war in 1940 as he gave the impression that virtually the entire population of the United Kingdom was united behind his leadership when in fact quite a few powerful people in 1940 favored following the French example and signing an armistice with the Third Reich.

In order to uphold the unity of the Commonwealth, Churchill did not mention that he had serious disagreements with strategy in the first half of 1941 with the Australian prime minister Robert Menzies and the New Zealand prime minister Peter Fraser, both of whom had major doubts about the wisdom of dispatching Australian and New Zealand soldiers to the defense of Greece in 1941. Menzies and Fraser both paid an extended visit to London in early 1941 to debate strategy with Churchill; Menzies's visit was only briefly mentioned while Fraser's visit was not mentioned at all. Churchill was a very close friend of the Anglophile Soviet ambassador Ivan Maisky, which was acknowledged, but rather downplayed as the Soviet Union was the enemy in the Cold War. The intense dispute between Ernest Bevin vs. Lord Beaverbrook over control of the wartime economy, which ended with Lord Beaverbrook being dropped from the cabinet in 1942, was mentioned, but downplayed as the Bevin-Beaverbrook dispute did not present the Churchill cabinet in the best light. About the sacking of Air Marshal Hugh Dowding, the commander of Fighter Command, shortly after the Battle of Britain had ended, Churchill blamed the civil servants of the Air Ministry as he insisted he fired Dowding reluctantly..

During his time as wartime prime minister, Churchill believed that a strategical bombing campaign against German cities might be sufficient to win the war, and as such had devoted immense sums of money to the Bomber Command of the Royal Air Force. Churchill in the The Second World War books played down his support for strategical bombing as many of the wartime claims made by the RAF leaders as Air Marshal Arthur Harris of Bomber Command that strategical bombing alone could defeat Germany proved to be highly erroneous, and instead portrayed the strategical bombing more as a supplement to the campaigns on land instead of the war-winning campaign that it was envisioned of at the time. Churchill did not mention that there was a major disagreement in 1944 between the Americans who favored an "oil plan" of bombing German oil facilities as the best way to cripple the Wehrmacht vs. the RAF who were committed to the "area bombing" of German cities. The omission about the debate between the "oil plan" vs. "area bombing" was to give the impression that there was no alterative to "area bombing", which became controversial after the war. In the same way, Churchill sought to distance himself from the Anglo-American bombing of Dresden between 13-15 February 1945 by including a memo he had written right after the destruction of Dresden saying that such attacks were no longer necessary. Reflecting the theme of Anglo-German reconciliation, Churchill did not write much about the Holocaust, which was likely to stir up anti-German feelings. Churchill buried in the endnotes a memo he sent to Eden on 11 July 1944 calling the extermination of the Jews the "greatest crime" ever committed and ordering Bomber Command to bomb the rail-lines to the Auschwitz death camp. Churchill seems to have been embarrassed that the RAF leadership were so obsessed with the "area bombing" of German cities that they claimed it was impossible to bomb Auschwitz and he did not do much to ensure his orders were carried out. Despite Churchill's memo, the RAF never bombed the rail-lines to Auschwitz.

Reynold noted that Churchill supported the "deal with Darlan" in 1942 under which Admiral François Darlan defected over to the Allied side, bringing with him Algeria and Morocco, and at the time saw Darlan as a better French ally than Charles de Gaulle, which he sought to deny in The Second World War, giving the impression that he always backed de Gaulle. The picture of Darlan varied from volume to volume. In volume 2, Their Finest Hour, Darlan was depicted as a devious and dishonest leader, a corrupt pro-Nazi schemer whose word was unreliable as a justification for the British attack on the French naval base at Mers-el-Kébir in 1940. In volume 3, The Hinge of Fate, Churchill portrayed Darlan as a honorable, but misguided French patriot. In response to several letters from Field Marshal William Slim who was serving as the Governor-General of Australia about the neglect of the campaigns in Burma in the earlier volumes, Churchill devoted an entire chapter in the last volume, Triumph and Tragedy to the "famous Fourteenth Army, under the masterly command of General Slim".. In the first draft, Churchill had planned to be more critical of Operation Jubilee, the raid on Dieppe on 19 August 1942 that failed disastrously, but chose not as the man responsible for the raid, Admiral Louis Mountbatten was a powerful man related to the royal family who would had likely sued for libel had the first draft been published. As a result, Churchill simply wrote the raid on Dieppe had failed with no discussion as to why.

A passage highly critical of Chiang Kai-shek as a weak man dominated by his scheming wife, Madame Soong Mei-ling, was included in the first draft, but excluded from the published version in order to offend American public opinion as Chiang was a popular figure in the United States. Likewise, Churchill excluded several passages highly critical of General Charles de Gaulle of France and Marshal Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia in order not to damage Anglo-French and Anglo-Yugoslav relations. Churchill removed any mention of his order in June 1944 that de Gaulle should be "shipped to Algiers in chains if necessary. He must not be allowed to enter France". The dispute had been caused by de Gaulle's demand to be allowed take part in the D-Day landings, which was Churchill was opposed to, and he instead misleadingly claimed that de Gaulle had refused to speak on the BBC on the eve of Operation Overlord. Churchill likewise did not mention his wartime view expressed in 1944 that Tito was a "viper" who was only interested in power for himself. By contrast, Churchill was very critical in The Second World War of the leaders of the Polish government-in-exile except for General Władysław Sikorski, and the negative picture he painted of the Polish leaders reflected his difficult wartime relations with the Polish government-in-exile. Churchill had found the demands from the Polish leaders about restoring Poland's pre-war eastern frontiers to be highly unrealistic, and as causing difficulties in his relations with Joseph Stalin. Churchill believed that the Polish claim that the Soviet NKVD had committed the Katyn Forest massacre of 1940 was correct, he found the timing of the allegation in April 1943 to be highly inconvenient as it came at a time when the Red Army was doing the bulk of the fighting against the Wehrmacht. Against the charge that he not done enough to champion the Polish case, Churchill merely stated in The Hinge of Fate that it was impossible to determine in 1943 who had committed the Katyn Forest massacre. Churchill got along well with President Edvard Beneš of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, and his picture of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile was as positive as his picture of the Polish government-in-exile was negative. During the war, Churchill was incensed by the advice from President Franklin D. Roosevelt that he should grant independence to India, which was reflected in The Hinge of Fate as American meddling in the affairs of the British empire. But Churchill toned down his criticism as Roosevelt was a beloved figure in the United States, and he did not want to damage Anglo-American "special relationship" by expressing his real feelings about Roosevelt.

During the war Churchill had favored a Mediterranean strategy arguing that it was the Mediterranean area that was the decisive theater of the war and was opposed to American plans for an invasion of north-west Europe. For political reasons about the future of the post-war world, Churchill wanted the Allied armies in Italy to advance into Austria and hence into Hungary in order to include as much of Eastern Europe into the Western sphere of influence as Churchill saw the Soviet Union as the future enemy in the post-war world. As such, Churchill devoted more chapters to the campaign in Italy between 1943-1945 than any of the other campaigns in the war, which gave the impression that the Italian campaign was the decisive campaign of the war. Churchill was unable owning to mention one of his principle reasons for seeing Italy as the "soft underbelly" of the Axis, namely the Allies were reading the German codes and that initially Hitler had planned only to hold northern Italy following the German occupation of Italy in September 1943. However following the hard-fought Battle of Salerno in September 1943, which nearly ended in a German victory, Hitler had decided to hold all of Italy. Over the next two years, the Germans fought a skillful defensive campaign in Italy that forced the Allies to expend much blood and treasure on a slow advance up the Italian peninsula. Along the same lines, Churchill devoted an entire chapter to the "Islands Lost" as he presented the Dodecanese campaign in September-December 1943 as a great "missed opportunity" that would had allowed the Western Allies to take control of Eastern Europe and thereby prevented the Red Army from advancing west. Throughout the volumes, Churchill consistently presented his Mediterranean strategy as the superior one to the American strategy of seeking the decisive battles in north-west Europe. Operation Bagration, the Red Army offensive launched on 22 June 1944 that saw the destruction of German Army Group Centre; opened up a huge hole in the German lines on the Eastern Front; and led to the Soviet Union taking control of Eastern Europe in 1944-1945 was mentioned only in passing despite its immense geopolitical significance. Churchill tended to focus on campaigns and battles involving Anglo-American forces, and his account of the summer of 1944 is largely concerned with the campaigns in France and Italy.

Reynolds also noted that Churchill's picture of the Soviet Union tended to vary depending upon the politics of the moment. In The Gathering Storm which was published in 1948 (before the Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb), Churchill portrayed the Soviet Union as little better than the Axis states as reflected in his account of the Spanish Civil War which portrayed the Republicans and Nationalists as both equally savage and deserving of condemnation. At another point, Churchill complained that the outcome of the war left Eastern Europe under the heel of "Russian barbarism". After the Soviet Union had exploded its first atomic bomb in 1949 along with the decision by both superpowers to develop hydrogen bombs, Churchill was greatly worried in the early 1950s about the prospect of a nuclear war that would be an end of humanity. Churchill had started in the Cold War as favoring a hardline stance towards the Soviet Union, but in the early 1950s he changed his views as he felt a nuclear war would be the end of all human life on the Earth. As such, Churchill in the later volumes The Second World War played up the possibility of reaching any understanding with the Soviet Union that would prevent a nuclear Third World War and portrayed Joseph Stalin as someone who could more or less be trusted to keep his word in support of his thesis about preventing nuclear war.

Legacy

1960s paperback edition in 12 volumes shared some titles with the first edition but for different portions of the work.

The Second World War can be read by students of the period as a memoir by a leading participant, rather than a comprehensive history by a professional and detached historian. The Second World War, particularly the period from 1940 to 1942 when Britain fought with the support of the Empire and a few Allies, was the climax of Churchill's career and his inside story of those days is unique and invaluable.

American historian Raymond Callahan, reviewing In Command of History by David Reynolds about Churchill's The Second World War, wrote:

The outlines of the story have long been known—Churchill wrote to put his own spin on the history of the war and give himself and his family financial security, and he wrote with a great deal of assistance.

Callahan concluded that notwithstanding any changes to historians' understanding of the book, now that what Churchill wrote has been compared in detail to the released archives, Churchill "remains the arresting figure he has always been—dynamic, often wrong, but the indispensable leader" who led Britain to "its last, terribly costly, imperial victory." In Callahan's view, Churchill was guilty of "carefully reconstructing the story" to suit his postwar political goals.

John Keegan wrote in the 1985 introduction to the series that some deficiencies in the account stem from the secrecy of Ultra intelligence. Keegan held that Churchill's account was unique, since none of the other leaders (Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, Benito Mussolini, Joseph Stalin, Adolf Hitler, Hideki Tojo) wrote a firsthand account of the war. However, De Gaulle's war memoirs also offer a first-hand account of the war. Churchill's books were written collaboratively, as he solicited others involved in the war for their papers and remembrances.

Editions

The Second World War has been issued in editions of six, twelve and four volumes, as well as an abridged single-volume. Some volumes in these editions share names, such as Triumph and Tragedy, but the contents of the volumes differ, covering varying portions of the book.

The country of first publication was the United States, preceding publication in the United Kingdom by six months. This was a consequence of the many last minute changes which Churchill insisted be made to the London Cassell edition, which he considered definitive.

First edition (hardcover) in six volumes

1. The Gathering Storm (1948)
2. Their Finest Hour (1949)
3. The Grand Alliance (1950)
4. The Hinge of Fate (1950)
5. Closing the Ring (1951)
6. Triumph and Tragedy (1953)

Full paperback edition in twelve volumes

1. The Gathering Storm
2. The Twilight War
3. The Fall of France
4. The Commonwealth Alone
5. Germany Drives East
6. War Comes to America
7. The Onslaught of Japan
8. Victory in Africa
9. The Invasion of Italy
10. Assault from the Air
11. The Tide of Victory
12. Triumph and Tragedy

Condensed edition in four volumes

1. Milestones to Disaster
2. Alone
3. The Grand Alliance
4. Triumph and Tragedy

See also

• History of the Second World War, the official history by the British government
• A History of the English-Speaking Peoples, Churchill's history of Britain and its colonies from Caesar's invasions of Britain (55 BC) to the end of the Second Boer War (1902)

General bibliography

• Best, Geoffrey (2002). Churchill: A Study in Greatness. London: Continuum.
• Gilbert, Martin (1992). Churchill: A Life. New York: Macmillan. p. 879.
• Hastings, Max (2010). Winston's War. New York: Knopf Doubleday. ISBN 9780307593122.
• Reynolds, David (2004). In Command of History: Churchill Fighting and Writing the Second World War. London: Allen Lane.

External links

• The Gathering Storm at Faded Page (Canada)
• Their Finest Hour at Faded Page (Canada)
• The Grand Alliance at Faded Page (Canada)

Quotes (see winston Churchill wikiquote)